Russell Brand, found guilty of rape. Years in jail coming, remanded into custody. 

Compare it to the two tier British system where selective blindness is almost an art form. For years it could watch networks of Pakistani-heritage men systematically grooming, raping, and trafficking underage girls across Rotherham, Rochdale and similar towns and decide the greater danger was anyone saying the ethnic pattern out loud. Official inquiries later confirmed the authorities knew, had names and complaints, and still moved slowly or not at all because they feared the racism charge more than they feared the continued exploitation. Let the underage poor white girls get raped repeatedly by the those practicing the most Noble of world’s religions.

Finally. when the political heat became unbearable, long sentences followed, for a low percentage of the culprits. 
Ethnicity was not permanent immunity; it was a multi-year head start and a higher threshold before the machinery engaged.

Russell Brand, white and formerly useful to the same consensus, received no such head start once he switched political alliances, found Christianity, and became a persistent thorn in the side of the ruling party. While he remained inside the approved coalition, and preaching the Marxist agenda, he was protected; the historic allegations from adult women only produced a Channel 4 documentary, a full police investigation, a jury, and a “significant custodial term” after he had already broken from orthodoxy. You don’t think this prosecution was political/ You think that Channel 4 documentary, with actresses playing the part of the women would have aired if he was on the “right side” of the Marxist cultural line?

It is a shame he never converted to Islam and started identifying as Pakistani. Not because that would have erased every piece of evidence—but because the institutional immune system that treated those earlier cases as radioactive would almost certainly have treated his as radioactive too. 

The same people who spent years worrying more about “Islamophobia” than about girls being passed around would have discovered a sudden interest in context, cultural misunderstanding, historic standards, and the dangers of a media circus. Brand’s real demographic error was remaining a white man who stopped saying the approved things.

That becomes clearer when you look at the facts the jury heard about the woman whose account produced the rape conviction. Within moments of meeting him backstage—before anyone had even properly introduced them—she was using her tongue on his anus while another woman was fellating him. Later she went to his house excited for sex, which they had. They discussed anal sex beforehand; she said it was her first time. A friend testified that she had admitted agreeing to it and telling him “be gentle.” Brand said they watched television together afterwards. 
When a reporter first contacted her about him, her reported response was essentially that her story did not have much in it, that she had been an idiot, young and stupid, and was probably as much to blame.

None of that automatically means the jury invented the later non-consent finding on the anal penetration. It does mean the encounter began with enthusiastic, near-immediate sexual contact from a woman who then went willingly to his house for more, discussed the act in question, and initially framed the whole thing as mutual youthful stupidity. 
In the hierarchy of whose cases trigger immediate institutional energy and whose trigger prolonged institutional hesitation, Brand’s ethnicity and subsequent political trajectory produced the opposite treatment from the one the grooming networks received for years. The result is not equal justice under law. It is justice that arrives on a schedule set by what the people running the institutions are willing to risk being called.